By Michael N. Barnett
What determines the options during which a country mobilizes assets for conflict? And does struggle training increase or weaken the country on the subject of society? In addressing those questions, Michael Barnett develops a unique theoretical framework that strains the relationship among battle instruction and alterations in state-society kinfolk, and applies that framework to Egypt from 1952 to 1977 and Israel from 1948 via 1977. Confronting the prices of warfare addresses significant concerns in diplomacy, comparative politics, and heart japanese reports. What determines the options through which a nation mobilizes assets for struggle? And does battle education boost or weaken the country in terms of society? In addressing those questions, Michael Barnett develops a unique theoretical framework that strains the relationship among battle guidance and adjustments in state-society kinfolk, and applies that framework to Egypt from 1952 to 1977 and Israel from 1948 via 1977. Confronting the prices of warfare addresses significant matters in diplomacy, comparative politics, and center jap stories.
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Extra info for Confronting the Costs of War
34 CHAPTER TWO Moreover, the government’s ability to rely on foreign actors depends on the type of resource being mobilized. 50 Alternatively, because in the contemporary era there are an increasing number of arms producers the state may more easily depend on foreign suppliers for its immediate needs and not be as compelled to intervene in the domestic economy to secure its weapons needs. The second, more important, issue concerns the costs attached to such foreign arrangements. Almost invariably conditions and stipulations accompany foreign assistance that restricts the recipient’s employment of these borrowed resources.
Whether because of, for instance, the state’s “overdeveloped” nature or the politics of late industrialization, it has been a common refrain that most Third World states stand rather large when compared to the states of the advanced industrial setting. The Israeli and Egyptian cases, though unique for different reasons, are no different in this respect. Third, earlier scholarship has failed to locate interstate conflict and its related processes as central to the rise and decline of state power in both Egypt and Israel.
Second, governments of all varieties have demonstrated a willingness to avoid certain policies because of the predicted societal response. Because leaders would like to avoid trouble where possible, they intentionally abstain from a host of policies given their anticipated effects. 6 In general, the theoretical framework applies to all governments in capitalist societies, for no matter how insulated institutionally they might be, they must demonstrate some concern for their domestic basis of support and cannot run roughshod over societal interests.