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By William Maley

Afghanistan is the forgotten theatre of operations within the ''War on Terrorism.'' even though it was once speedily eclipsed by means of the conflict in Iraq, it is still a key position within the fight over the way forward for Muslim political lifestyles. spiritual moderates, spiritual extremists, and nationalists of many types are striving to enforce sharply differing visions of social and political existence, and the end result may well ship shockwaves to distant components of the globe. William Maley, a long-time observer of Afghanistan, indicates simply how complicated this fight is. relocating a long way past the clumsy stereotypes that experience too frequently permeated dialogue of Afghan affairs, he explains that spiritual radicalism is a considerably alien strength which has thrived basically via exterior patronage or parasitic attachment to sufferers of large-scale social dislocation. Rescuing Afghanistan demonstrates that many years of clash have created a very tough set of difficulties for the Afghan humans and the broader international. It exhibits that just a made up our minds, credible, long term dedication from the broader world—of a sort that's not often if ever found—offers the possibility of rescuing Afghanistan from the risks it faces.

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On 25 June 2004, a further such attack took place. Agence France-Presse reported it in the following terms: KABUL, June 28 (AFP) – Most of the 16 people killed in a bloody attack by suspected Taliban in south-central Afghanistan were recently returned refugees who wanted to participate in upcoming elections, the government said Monday. The group was pulled from their vehicle in Uruzgan province on Friday and shot dead, apparently for carrying voter registration cards, according to officials. 56 REBUILDING SECURITY “Most of the 16 were Hazara people.

He also turned his mind to how parliamentary elections should be conducted. While the constitution was specific as to how a president should be chosen, it was silent as to the electoral system for the Wolesi Jirga. In divided societies with fragile state structures, there is much to be said for systems that award seats to different forces in proportion to their electoral support. President Karzai rejected this option in favour of the system known as the “single non-transferable vote,” or SNTV. Under this system, seats are allocated to provinces in accordance with their estimated populations, voters simply vote for a single candidate at province level, and seats are allocated to individual candidates in order of the number of votes received.

While post-Bonn elite conflict was sometimes painted as reflecting a “Pushtun–Panjsheri” schism (the latter name deriving from Ahmad Shah Massoud’s native Panjsher valley), the reality was more complicated, and involved division along three distinct lines, although with significant overlap between them. Certainly some Pushtuns, mindful of past Pushtun domination of the national political elite and alarmed by antiPushtun pogroms in northern Afghanistan in the wake of the Taliban’s removal, felt resentful of power exercised by some leaders of Panjsheri Tajik background, most importantly Fahim.

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